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140
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2010
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Publié par
Date de parution
01 octobre 2010
Nombre de lectures
0
EAN13
9781776141449
Langue
English
Chapter 1: MBEKI AND HIS LEGACY: A critical introduction
DARYL GLASER
Chapter 2 MBEKI’S LEGACY: Some conceptual markers
PETER HUDSON
Chapter 3 WHY IS THABO MBEKI A ‘NITEMARE’?
MARK GEVISSER
Chapter 4 MACHIAVELLI MEETS THE CONSTITUTION: Mbeki and the law
RICHARD CALLAND AND CHRIS OXTOBY
Chapter 5 THABO MBEKI AND DISSENT 105
JANE DUNCAN
Chapter 6 CIVIL SOCIETY AND UNCIVIL GOVERNMENT: The Treatment Action Campaign versus Thabo Mbeki, 1998-2008
MARK HEYWOOD
Chapter 7 SEEING OURSELVES AS OTHERS SEE US: Racism, technique and the Mbeki administration
STEVEN FRIEDMAN
Chapter 8 TOWARDS A COMMON NATIONAL IDENTITY: Did Thabo Mbeki help or hinder?
EUSEBIUS MCKAISER
Chapter 9 THABO MBEKI’S LEGACY OF TRANSFORMATIONAL DIPLOMACY
CHRIS LANDSBERG
Chapter 10 THABO MBEKI AND THE GREAT FOREIGN POLICY RIDDLE
PETER VALE
Publié par
Date de parution
01 octobre 2010
Nombre de lectures
0
EAN13
9781776141449
Langue
English
Published in South Africa by:
Wits University Press
1 Jan Smuts Avenue
Johannesburg
2001
http://witspress.wits.ac.za
Published edition copyright © Wits University Press 2010
Compilation copyright © Edition editor 2010
Chapter copyright © Individual contributors 2010
First published 2010
ISBN 978-1-86814-502-7
eISBN 978-1-86814-711-3
ISBN 978-1-77614-146-3 (MOBI)
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher, except in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act, Act 98 of 1978.
Edited by Pat Tucker
Cover design and layout by Hothouse South Africa
Printed and bound by Ultra Litho (Pty) Ltd.
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ACRONYMS
GENERAL REFLECTIONS
1 MBEKI AND HIS LEGACY: A critical introduction
DARYL GLASER
2 MBEKI’S LEGACY: Some conceptual markers
PETER HUDSON
3 WHY IS THABO MBEKI A ‘NITEMARE’?
MARK GEVISSER
THE MBEKI STYLE OF GOVERNANCE
4 MACHIAVELLI MEETS THE CONSTITUTION: Mbeki and the law
RICHARD CALLAND AND CHRIS OXTOBY
MBEKI AND SOCIETY
5 THABO MBEKI AND DISSENT
JANE DUNCAN
6 CIVIL SOCIETY AND UNCIVIL GOVERNMENT: The Treatment Action Campaign versus Thabo Mbeki, 1998-2008
MARK HEYWOOD
MBEKI AND RACE
7 SEEING OURSELVES AS OTHERS SEE US: Racism, technique and the Mbeki administration
STEVEN FRIEDMAN
8 TOWARDS A COMMON NATIONAL IDENTITY: Did Thabo Mbeki help or hinder?
EUSEBIUS MCKAISER
MBEKI ABROAD
9 THABO MBEKI’S LEGACY OF TRANSFORMATIONAL DIPLOMACY
CHRIS LANDSBERG
10 THABO MBEKI AND THE GREAT FOREIGN POLICY RIDDLE
PETER VALE
NOTES
CONTRIBUTORS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
For their roles in inspiring, managing and copy editing this publication I thank various members of the staff of Wits University Press, including Julie Miller, Veronica Klipp and Pat Tucker. I thank too those – including Abigail Booth, Gilbert Khadiagala, Shireen Hassim, Peter Hudson, Tawana Kupe, Sheila Meintjes, David Shepherd and Ursula Scheidegger – whose suggestions and organisational input made possible the conference upon which this book drew. The conference was also made possible by a grant from the University of Witwatersrand’s Faculty of Humanities to its School of Social Sciences, gratefully received. I thank, finally, the conference speakers, chapter contributors and anonymous reviewers for supplying what lies at the heart of both the conference and the book: intellectual stimulation and critical engagement.
Daryl Glaser, University of the Witwatersrand
August 2010
ACRONYMS AASROC Asian-African Sub-Regional Conference AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome ALP AIDS Law Project ANC African National Congress ANCYL ANC Youth League APF Anti-Privatisation Fund APRM African Peer Review Mechanism ARF African Renaissance and International Co-operation Fund ARV Anti-retroviral ASEAN Association of South East Asian Nations AU African Union AWC Anti-War Coalition Azapo Azanian People’s Organisation AZT Azidothymidine BEE Black economic empowerment BIG Basic Income Grant CGE Commission on Gender Equality CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CNI Common national identity CODESA Convention for a Democratic South Africa Cope Congress of the People Cosatu Congress of South African Trade Unions CPS Centre for Policy Studies CSAS Centre for Southern African Studies DA Democratic Alliance DFA Department of Foreign Affairs DFID Department for International Development DNE Department of National Education DPSA Department of Public Service and Administration DRC Democratic Republic of Congo DSO Directorate of Special Operations ETT Electoral Task Team FBJ Forum of Black Journalists FIFA International Federation of Association Football FXI Freedom of Expression Institute GCIS Government Communication and Information System GDP Gross Domestic Product GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HSRC Human Sciences Research Council IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency IBSA India-Brazil-South Africa ICD Independent Complaints Directorate Idasa Institute for Democracy in South Africa IEC Independent Electoral Commission IMF International Monetary Fund IRIS Incident Reporting Information System JIOP Judicial Inspectorate of Prisons JMPD Johannesburg Metro Police Department JTI Joint Investigating Team LPM Landless People’s Movement MAP Millennium Africa Recovery Plan MCC Medicines Control Council MDGs Millennium Development Goals NAASP New Asia-Africa Strategic Partnership NACOSA National AIDS Co-ordinating Committee of South Africa NAI New African Initiative NAM Non-Aligned Movement NAPWA National Association of People Living with HIV and AIDS NBI National Business Initiative NDPP National Director of Public Prosecutions NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development NGO Non-governmental organisation NIA National Intelligence Agency NP National Party NPA National Prosecuting Agency NPT Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NSP National Strategic Plan on HIV, AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections OAU Organisation of African Unity OBE Outcomes-based education ODA Official development assistance ODAC Open Democracy Advice Centre OECD Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development PAIA Promotion of Access to Information Act PMTCT Policy on mother-to-child transmission RED Research and Education in Development RGA Regulation of Gatherings Act SABC South African Broadcasting Corporation SACC South African Council of Churches SACP South African Communist Party SADC Southern African Development Community SAHRC South African Human Right Commission SAMA South African Medical Association SANGOCO South African Non-Governmental Organisation Coalition SAPA South African Press Association SAPS South African Police Service Scopa Standing Committee on Public Accounts SECC Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee TAC Treatment Action Campaign UAS Union of African States UN United Nations UNESCO United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation USAf Unites States of Africa WSSD World Summit on Sustainable Development WTO World Trade Organisation YCL Young Communist League ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front
1
MBEKI AND HIS LEGACY:
A critical introduction
DARYL GLASER
Is there an Mbeki legacy? Looking back at Thabo Mbeki’s presidency from a vantage point of mid-2010 an observer might easily conclude that that legacy – such as it is – consists in three classes of phenomena: mayhem caused and now needing to be repaired (policies on AIDS and Zimbabwe), batons merely passed from Mbeki’s predecessor to his successor (a functioning democracy and mixed economy) and seemingly equal-and-opposite reactions elicited among the former president’s many enemies (the internal ANC rebellion against Mbeki and subsequent efforts by the victorious rebels to establish a ‘not Thabo Mbeki’ style of governance). It is the third class – the reactions elicited – that will seem to many the most important for understanding South African governance now, and therefore to constitute Mbeki’s most palpable legacy.
This being so, why should there be a book, now, about Thabo Mbeki and his legacy? For one thing, public interest in Mbeki remains surprisingly strong – as evidenced, for example, by advance sales for books about the former president. The interest is partly (still) in the man, even as he sulks in retirement. Biographers, columnists and political scientists have felt compelled to retool as amateur psychologists the better to understand the former president’s psychic complexity. And Mbeki’s was a consequential complexity: his sensitivity to racial slight directly influenced government approaches to the AIDS pandemic and the crisis in Zimbabwe; feelings of insecurity and even paranoia arguably lay behind the former president’s efforts to run his political rivals out of town; Mbeki’s contempt for those he considered of lesser ability than himself doubtless fuelled his search for centralised command and control, his secrecy, and his stubborn refusal of unsolicited advice (Gumede 2005: 163-4, 179-82; Gevisser 2007: 230-5, 284, 440-43, 740, 793; Johnson 2009: 178-221, 233-38, 340-67).
Just as ‘interestingly’, Mbeki seemed to be more than one man: charmer of whites and race-baiter, technocrat and nationalist romantic, free-market convert and developmental-statist, globaliser and Third-Worldist, champion of the black bourgeoisie and bearer-of-warnings about society’s descent into crass materialism. What made the man tick? What else but fascination with this question could explain the turnout of well over a thousand people to the launch of Mark Gevisser’s biography of Mbeki, even as the president’s powers were waning?
There is more to his interestingness than that, however. There remains a widespread sense that Mbeki cannot but have made a real difference to the way South Africa is run even now – and that this difference is not reducible to the aforementioned negative reactions to his style and policies. The Mbeki period arguably encompassed South Africa’s entire post-1994 democratic experience up to 2008. As deputy-president Mbeki exerted considerable influence throughout Nelson Mandela’s presidential tenure; according to some, he was ‘de facto prime minister’ (Gevisser 2007: 658; see also Gevisser 2007: 702; Johnson 2009: 54-6, 99-100, 137-8).
Mbeki was deeply present in establishing, even before he assumed the presidency in 1999, the coordinates of South Africa’s pragmatic but Third-Worldist foreign policy and its market-oriented economic policy. These remain, essentially, the coordinates of this country’s foreign and economic policy, notwithstanding the Left’s efforts to steer the new administration onto a more decisively pro-poor course, or indeed Mbeki’s own belated (re)discovery of the activist state. Mbeki also h
